Somali Women: Agents of Change The untapped pedigree of Somali women’s political participation
By:Yasmeen Maxamuud
Nov 15, 2011
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“Wixii Xun ba Xaawa leh” (All that
befalls a family comes from women)
A Somali proverb
Grim news from Somalia has become so predictable that one would expect it to include anyone of the amusing, sensational
pieces that has become a feast for those who think nothing positive can come out of the horn. Although most of the news is predictably sad, Somali women seem to only make it to the pages in the most unfortunate situations. In recent months watching any news from Somalia has become intense, considering most of the major media organizations urgently landed in Mogadishu to report on
the recent famine. As if that wasn’t enough, we have also witnessed the countless accounts of rape against the victims of the famine. And while some of these news items may reflect the reality on the ground, it begs to question where are Somali women leaders? Except for some predictable ceremonial cabinet positions, Somali women leaders appear to have gone MIA. Somali women were firm to pacify warring factions for two decades, but Somali women have not been given their due in political gains. The following research
will attempt to answer some of these questions.
Introduction
Women are often the voiceless victims of war-ravaged societies, yet they find ways to contribute peace and reconciliation. Somalia is no exception. A woman’s role is usually confined within the walls of her home, reflecting a cultural reality rooted in religion. Patriarchal and lineage based traditions have limited women’s participation in education, economic and politics, and have kept them out of decision-making processes. Somali society can be described as a male dominated patrilineal and patriarchal society. Traditionally Somali
women are regarded as the backbone of society, primarily because they are responsible for the biological reproduction of the lineage and interclan alliances. 1A women’s position in Somali society is ambiguous. When married a woman still belongs to her father’s
clan and her behavior can reflect on the honor of her father’s lineage. Her male relatives are committed to protect her and to claim compensation if she is mistreated or murdered. On the other hand, she must be loyal and devoted to her husband’s clan to which she is linked through her sons. Women in Somali society were tra-
1 Lidwen Kapteijst, Women, and the Crises of Communal Identity (Boston University Press,1994).
ditionally not limited to participate in the official clan decision – making, because they are not a permanent member in any
clan. However, they were always influential through both their affiliation to their husband at the household level and the networking capacity across clan boundaries. There always existed a disparity in the distribution of physical and intellectual tasks between the genders. Somali women’s role has been to provide all the labor necessary to ensure the daily survival of the family. In addition women were always responsible for preparing the family’s meals, breeding, caring for and educating children. Intellectual and social activities were
usually the domain of the men. This disparity was also reflected in educational matters.Young girls were more likely to be engaged in physical labor and domestic chores, whereas young boys had greater opportunities to develop their intellectual skills. Women’s
social activities were further hampered by their daily obligations, which would absorb most of their time. Due to societal changes however,
the role of the Somali women has gone through changes. State independence in 1960, as well the collapse of the state due to civil strife in
1991 has witnessed some changes in Somali women’s role. The “promulgation of the family law” enacted in 1975 gave men and women equal rights in matters of marriage, divorce and inheritance. This law also promoted the equality of women in the workplace
and in 1978 gave Somali women equal opportunities to participate in government and to reach positions of leadership.
However, when these laws were enacted, not many women embarked on political life. Instead, a number of women started to enter the field of trade and business at all levels according to their ability to raise funds for family or other savings schemes such as Hagbad.
Furthermore, Somali women gained a strong autonomy in business and demonstrated management capacities equivalent to that of men. Consequently, Somali women seem to have gained a new status ever since the civil war. The common opinion shared by many
Somali experts, is that women have become the major breadwinners in Somalia. It is believed that 80% of the families in Somalia rely on
women’s income. Yet, there are a few women heads of household. Women may engage in income generating schemes
because the men are unemployed. Moreover men do not undertake such activities because society may look down on them and therefore they may lose their status. There is a dichotomy in the contribution of Somali women to civil society, conflict resolution, their
involvement in government, and their participation in currently functioning political systems. Additionally, the International aid community does not consult women in serious decision-making matters such as humanitarian aid contributions, although these same organizations worsen the plight of women by investing more power on clan leaders who are not as active in the betterment of society and the reconciliation process. But despite the many forces marshaled against Somali women (their lack of financial training, of management skills and credit facilities, the absence of family and social encouragement and the weakness of early education) in urban centers, they are playing a central and expanding role in trade, finance, and NGO activities. Since the war, women have filled simultaneous
roles as home managers as well as breadwinners. But they face numerous obstacles to further achievements.
General
Literature on Women’s political involvement in war times
The writings on women’s
organizations in peace building demonstrate that these
organizations were not founded to
advance women’s rights but are mainly engaged in the
post conflict struggle or
national struggle of a society in turmoil. In the case of the Palestinians
women’s organizations, writers
like Orayb Aref Najjar2
illustrate
women’s struggle
by examining the national versus
the gender issue. Indeed, women see their fate and
rights very much tied to a
Palestinian State. She further reiterates that the Palestinian
women’s struggle for a
Palestinian state does not have the luxury of requesting changes
in their legal status because
they are stateless. Instead, the women’s struggle in Palestine
is very much intertwined and
conducive to the end of Israeli occupation and to the establishment
of statehood.
Since the traditional
conservative Arab culture limits Women’s functions to the
private sphere, it has limited
their involvement in public affairs. The writer further analyses
the “public /private” dichotomy
of western feminism, which led her to the realization
that if women are neglected in
the struggle and their organizations, which contribute
significantly to the betterment
of a society under siege are not empowered, it will be to
the detriment of the society as a
whole.
Najjar further explains women’s
organization leaders’ recognition that the personal,
is interlinked with the national
agenda. She stresses yet again that when women
organize to bring about social
reform within their communities, women are engaged in
politics, although society
categorizes such action as social reform.
Poetry as
Resistance
Female writers Hassan, Adan, and
Warsame trace the Somali women through the
traditional roles and social
awareness. They attribute the Somali woman’s strength to her
non-submissive nature and further
illustrate how these women refused oppression
throughout history by expressing
their grievances and hopes through poetry handed down
by generations. These three women
conducted a research to study the Somali women’s
status in society. They
discovered that although customs and traditions have limited them
as women, Somali women feminism
was not a borrowed western ideology, but an indigenous
one. They contend while women in
the West expressed their dissatisfaction in the
written form, Somali feminists
expressed their protests through poetry, work songs and
children’s lullabies. These women
also formed informal networks, kinships, groups, and
religious associations to strengthen themselves and fight oppression. These writers further articulate how Somali women have been ignored socially and intellectually throughout
history. Somali poetry and literature, which is an important aspect of Somali life, lacks the great contributions by
women. Although there were great many female poets,
2 Bystydzienski, Jill. Ed. Women
Transforming Politics (Indiana University Press, 1992) 143-161
their contribution to social literature has not been mentioned much. In the same manner
women’s contribution in the struggle for independence has never been recognized. It is apparent from the research
conducted by these three Somali women writers, Hassan, Adan, and Warsame whose essay appears in “Subversive Women” that Somali woman were fighting for their rights as early as the 1940’s 3against foreign occupation. In 1959 the first women’s
organization “the Somali Women’s Association” (SWA) was formed. The leadership was composed of the wives of leaders in the political parties. Although SWA voiced women’s rights, most of its activities were in the area of social welfare. After independence, the plight of
Somali women continued as the newly elected leaders did little to improve the conditions of women. “The Somali women’s movement”
came to live as an answer to the continued political struggle of women. Educated middle class women spearheaded the foundation of
the movement and one of its major goals was to fight for the social, political, cultural and economic rights of Somali women.
The fruits and ideology of this organization was short lived as the Siad Barre regime came into power in 1969. As a result of this regime’s
principle of scientific socialism, all political parties and organizations were dismantled. The “Somali Women’s Democratic
Organization” was later established by the regime. This was a governmental organization that took advantage of the government’s machinery to be a vehicle in women’s rights and equal justice. The organization’s main objectives were the following:
Mobilizing Somali women and raising their political awareness
Training and expanding leadership in
women’s groups and the community
Create priories in the establishment of
change
Amina M. Warsame contributes the
complete absence of women from the public
decision-making process due to
the following:
Clan based system of governance which
does not give women a decision making
position
Male decision makers who are not eager
to share a platform with women
Conservative religious male diction
which excludes women from public decision
making
Cultural perception of women as weak
leaders
Women’s lack of education
Despite these existing obstacles,
Warsame focuses on the hope that exists within
women’s organizations. She also
thinks women are beginning to effect social change and
female stereotyping by uniting
and working together for the improvements of women’s
lives. Civil society
organizations are achieving this objective by raising awareness
3 Saskia Wieringa, ed. Subversive
Women (Zed Books, Ltd) 165-182.
through lobbying for women’s
rights, especially in their leadership role. It follows then
that Somali Women civil society
organizations would unite under one common agenda. If
they were to do so they would be
a force to reckon with in society if all their energies
were utilized collectively. The
consensus of the majority of writings in this issue is that
women need to organize and be
unified while accomplishing their individual objectives4.
There seems to exist a
repetitiveness of the traditional role of Somali women in
most of the literature on the
subject. Most of the literature committed to this area rarely
expands on other spheres such as
the political involvement of Somali women. An essay
written by Asha H. Elmi, Dekha
Ibrahim, and Janice Jenner in Dorothy Hodgson’s Rethinking
Pastorilsm In
Africa, investigate
Save Somali Women and Children and Wajiir
Women for peace,5 two women’s organizations, and their impact in society. Their essay
elaborates on the strengths of the Somali female and her many roles in conflict resolution
and peace making traditionally and currently. In this essay as well as in
others, we encounter women contesting injustices through buraanbur (the
genre of women poetry). Their essay also touches on society’s reluctance to accept these women
into roles that are perceived as traditionally male or powerful. Once more, we encounter
society’s unwillingness to allow women in roles
other than those passed to them traditionally. The two civil society organizations detailed
here; Save Somali Women and Children and Wajiir Women for peace, emerged for the
same reasons as their counterpart, but these organizations are beginning to mobilize their
energies to be part of any formal negotiations that impact their communities. They are
demanding with very limited success direct participation in negotiations leading to any
final peace accord that may impact their community. Although forging these new roles
for themselves in the face of political and social opposition remain to be seen, it is clear
that Somali women are taking initiatives to redefine roles for themselves in the new Somalia.
Authors such as Alice Bettis Hashim in her book The Fallen State, tries to dissect
the problems that have led to the deterioration of the state. Hashim tries to explain these
problems by following the history of the Somali state from colonial period to the civil
war era. She starts by setting forth a new paradigm that should explain the Somali situation.
She elaborates on the theory of the state and ethnicity and conflict theories to explain
the Somalis case. She insists, although homogenous in many aspects such as race,
cultural values, language and religion, the hostility, which clans generate against each
other in Somalia equals, and sometimes surpasses that of totally distinct groups. Hashim’s
analysis of the Somali situation entirely overlooks the role of women in the society
and hardly mentions their contribution6. Lyons and Samatar follow a similar route to Hashim’s in their book State Collapse,
Multilateral Intervention and Strategies for political Reconstruction by first ana-
4 Amina M.Warsame, Queens Without Crowns, (Life and Peace Institute, 2002).
5 Hodgson, D. L. ed. Rethinking
Pastoralism In Africa, (Ohio University Press, 2000).
6 Hashim, A. B. The Fallen State
(University Press Of America, 1997).
lyzing the political situation
that has led to the state collapse and social disintegration.
This book begins by explaining
the historical basis of the Somali pastoral system. The
authors further explain in great
detail political norms and cultural values that are the link
between society and economic
structures by way of kinship ideology. The role of imperialism
is also explained in light of the
corrosion of the old Somali moral order. The characteristics
of the generation that brought independence
in Somalia is described in this
book as a group seeking “rare
chance to win personal profitable place”7 in the new state,
the biggest winner of the lot was
Siad Barre, whose regime led to the civil strife of the
nation. The authors dedicate a small
space consisting of few lines in the whole book to
articulate the Somali women‘s
state in society during and post civil war. They reveal that
women are marginalized by the
patriarchal Somali society. Although the authors do not
discuss the role of Somali women
in any significant detail, the small space they have
committed to explain the
condition of the Somali female is sufficient to point out that
Somali women are paying the
highest price by not being given a voice in society to help
their situation. The authors come
to the conclusion that these women’s need for security,
democratic life, material
well-being, respect, and equality takes a back seat to other issues
confronting society.
One particular essay by Hilarie
Kelly titled The Potential role Of Women Groups in Reconstruction
explains how Somali women’s
organized local groups, such as Abbaya Sitti
and Hagbad can transcend
family, clan, and even ethnic ties. Kelly strongly suggests in
including women in the
reconciliation process because their cooperation, particularly in
terms of sharing resources and
vital information is strategic for survival and improved
welfare. She recommends that
political leaders pay more attention to these Somali Women’s
groups especially at the local level,
to solve the various problems that face the nation.
Kelly also points to the
limitations of these women’s groups as organization with
limited focus and sometimes
parochial in nature. Kelly is another writer that thinks traditional
roles set for women are limiting
especially since these traditions do not encourage
women’s decision-making
abilities.8
In retrospect, Somali women are
active participants of clan politics in Somalia as
we speak. It is also well
documented that Somali women were part of the instigation at
the onset of the civil war. The
poetry the have used for decades to fight against injustices
and colonialism was used to
support one tribe against another. In a manner of speaking,
they were the cheerleaders behind
the warring factions. Some were even carrying weapons
and a few women warlords are also
pointed out. But the time has come for Somali
woman to look beyond their
involvement as peace builders and think of themselves as
political leaders that can lead
the state to political stability. It’s disheartening that Somali
women are in an apologetic mode
when it comes to claiming that spot, or that they are
waiting in the sidelines for
their political involvement to be handed down to them, although
they know better.
7 Lyons, T, and Samatar, A.
Somalia: State Collapse, Multicultural Intervention, and Strategies for
Political
Reconstruction (The Brookings
Institution, 1995).
8 Adam, Hussien, and Ford, Richard.
Ed. Mending Rips In The Sky (The Red Sea Press, Inc, 1997).
Since Somali women are already
active in many roles in society, the bricks for
their political involvement and
decision-making process have already been laid. Somali
woman hold political capital that
has not been tested before, because the international
community as well as current
leaders are all involved in the impasse and infighting between
differing factions, warlords, and
ad hoc leaders that are holding the entire country
hostage. The political pedigree
of Somali women has been ignored, ultimately to the detriment
of society. In the 2003 talks in
Kenya Somali women demanded 25% representation
but were given only 12%. Ever
since then every TFG administration as well as local
administrations such as
Somaliland and Puntland have appointed women to feel good,
safe and predictable ministerial
positions such as Minster of family, and Minster of
Women Affairs. It’s as if women
have relaxed because they have been appointed to a few
ceremonial ministerial posts.
According to a study done by NDI although the gender quota
of female participation in
Somalia is 12%, in reality only 6% of Somali MPs are women.
It’s imperative therefore, that
women are presented in all level of political spectrum
and in the decision making
process because Somali women’s political rights are fundamental
in the political framework.
Studies have shown that women’s participation in the
political process contributes to
the betterment of policies and improve the situation of society
as a whole and in particular
policies that strengthen family situation in society are
strengthened.
Female heavy
political participation
Much research in the area of
women in political participation shows that women
legislators prioritize family
sensitive legislation and they are more likely to sponsor legislation
that support the betterment of
family issues. It’s therefore vital that Somali women
have more serious, organized and
cohesive political role within the executive branch of
government. Governmnts worldwide
have taken great measures to include women legislators
to support women’s election to
high offices. And they have also increased the
number of women in legislative
and executive branches of government.
One of the countries that does
this really well with female heavy political agenda is Sweden.
Sweden has the most effective
party quotes for gender mainstreaming in the participation
of women in the political
process. Women representation in parliament is currently
at 47.3% (Inter-Parliamentary
Union2007a). Swedish women have been mobilizing to
pressure political participation
since the 1920s for political parties to elect more female
candidates. Their efforts ever
since the 1920 resulted in strengthening political parties to
promote women representation in
parliament until it reached 47.3%. One tactic that
worked for Swedish women is when
they threatened that they would form their own political
party, if other political parties
where not promoting their agenda to include more
women in their mix. Political
parties in Sweden also feared the loss of female voters
which is another reason the
quotes for female participants in politics are some of the
highest in the world.
For Somali women it may seem
futile to ask political leaders and traditional leaders
to increase their political
participation in all branches of government while things are
still chaotic on the ground. And
since currently there are no voting systems where women
in society participate to vote
their leaders into office, the entire suggestion may appear
ineffective. But since a cohort
of international elements including donor countries such as
the EU, US as well as others are
mostly influential in the Somali context today, and since
current leaders are usually
handpicked by these powers, Somali women may seek support
from these players by directly
lobbying for their cause. Some general recommendations
that could help women realize
their political gains are:
1. There are already quota laws
for Somali women to participate in all aspects of political
life in Somalia. But these laws
have not really been put to use. Its imperative
that these laws are followed and
that women participation is encouraged by
leaders as well as the donor
community and international players who at tis time
hold the power of who gets
elected. Also let is keep in mind that quota laws are
most effective when they have
quota targets (say 30 to 40 %) mandates that guarantee
women’s placement in winnable
positions on candidate lists as well as
strong enforcement mechanisms.
Countries that follow highly enforced quota
laws include Costa Rica and
Argentina where women legislators comprise 39%.
2. Improve campaign financing for
women running for office. It’s a large hurdle for
women to attract financing at
this time. The regular sources of funding through
traditional clan leaders as well
as asking backing from international donors seems
a daunting task. But if there is
an organized ways of targeting potential backer,
that can be overcome. To this
end, unless lists of possible financial backers are
not prepared any potential women
candidate will meet many hurdles. This is one
of the most important issues to
handle before the idea of women candidate is ever
realized.
3. Educate and train citizens of
the country on the importance of gender equity. A
change in consciousness at home,
schools, and among women themselves remains
fundamental. With this training
and change in the way people think of women not
only as breadwinners, domestic
beings but also as political game changers contributes
greatly to the success of women’s
participation in the political arena. Also
with great awareness, citizens
will demand that quota laws, and other political efforts
meet with great success, in
particular when citizens internalize that women
are the change the country needs
at this time to halt the current violence, and destruction
that has been stamped on Somalia
for the past two decades. Women political
candidates also need to be
trained and empowered on gender equity. Potential
women participants need to
generate a network of solidarity among women,
both nationally and
internationally.
4. Creating a united front. Unity
need not create further division from
men, which can serve as strong
allies. Conferences that bring together women of
different backgrounds, tribal
affiliation and geographical areas, and other networking
venues could serve as ways to
solidify unity and solidarity with allies
from across ethnic, tribal and
gender lines to increase cohesion and discuss future
strategies.
Policy
Recommendations
The international community must
realize the benefits of including women in political
participation and must push for
women involvement in brining stability to the
country. The United Nations
fourth World Conference on women in Beijing in 1995
called for the empowerment of
women and their full potential in the development of their
societies and their equal
opportunity to exercise leadership. But recommendations alone
are not enough. In the Somali
context, numerous obstacles remain to achieving parity
with men. To build on past
success and the gains Somali women have achieved towards
gender equity in decision making
the fowling policy recomendations are suggested:
1. Training and
education:
Prioritize Somali women’s
education and economic independence:
In order for the Somali public to
meet it’s full potential of its citizenry, there must
be an increase in the number of
females in higher education. This step will ultimately
broaden the pool of female
candidates with qualifications and experience
necessary to run and win
political office. It’s important to move from the thinking
that women can only study in
certain field and not others, therefore diversifying
the field in which women get
their degrees from (engineering, politics,
science, economics, law, etc).
2. Effective
gender quotas are a must:
Gender quotas are nothing more
than words on a page if they are not implemented
fully. They need to specify a
moderately high proportion
Of women (30 to 40 percent) and
the quotas must include strong enforcement mechanism,
which women must campaign for.
3. Training and
educational programs for Somali women:
If not enough Somali women
consider running for political office, then the international
community, NGOs, and government
agencies could offer training and
educational programs to women
encouraging them to get involved in politics.
These are just a few
recommendations in order to encourage Somali
women to get involved in the
political process. Women’s groups, political leaders,
and the international community
need to promote women’s equality and development
in more effective ways to
increase Somali women’s access to the political
arena. The journey to political
equality is long, and while Somali women have
made significant progress in
different areas of society, the path to achieving these
goals is long and tedious and
needs the full participation of every citizen and in
particular women groups,
traditional leaders and those who want to see a better,
safer, more stable Somalia.
By Yasmeen Maxamuud
Author, Nomad Diaries
Founder and Executive Director,
The Center for Bridging Communities, San